Lo Último

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2027

Cómo se armaría una nueva alianza de Frigerio con Milei

Si el escenario político no se modifica sustancialmente, es de esperar que para 2027 se reedite la alianza electoral entre Juntos por Entre Ríos y La Libertad Avanza. Aún si Frigerio no tuviera competencia interna para su reelección, los libertarios buscarían dominar el armado electoral, como en 2025. La importancia de las PASO y de la BUP.
Pablo Bizai
Por: Pablo Bizai
pablobizai@gmail.com

Cualquier cosa puede pasar de aquí a las elecciones del año que viene. Pero suponiendo que no ocurra ningún cambio drástico en la escena política –esto es, que Javier Milei siga teniendo chances de reelegir- con lo que se sabe hoy se puede anticipar una tensión en la eventual reedición de la alianza entre Juntos por Entre Ríos (JxER) y La Libertad Avanza (LLA).

Falta mucho, pero por estos días se discuten alternativas para sortear ese problema que se vislumbra en el horizonte. Si se repara en el antecedente de 2025, es evidente que la tensión hacia 2027 pasará por el armado de la oferta electoral. En particular, si se toma en cuenta que en la interna que atraviesa al gobierno nacional ha ganado poder Karina Milei, en detrimento de Santiago Caputo.

Para las elecciones de 2025 se plantearon dentro del gobierno nacional dos estrategias electorales. Caputo proponía acordar con los jefes territoriales en las provincias, como la mejor manera de asegurar un triunfo electoral y proyectar apoyos en el Congreso para las reformas de fondo que se proponía la segunda etapa del gobierno de Milei. Por el contrario, Karina –apoyada en la experiencia política de Sebastián Pareja y los Menem- planteó fortalecer a LLA como el único partido nacional, llevando candidatos propios. Karina impuso su criterio y le fue bien en las elecciones.

En muchas provincias, LLA enfrentó electoralmente a los gobernadores y los venció. En Entre Ríos no, pero en la alianza con Rogelio Frigerio impusieron un armado en el que el espacio político del Gobernador quedó relegado, llevando sólo dos candidatos de cinco expectantes y en los dos últimos lugares. Los libertarios encabezaron las listas de una alianza que eliminó todo rastro de JXER. LLA impuso el nombre, el color y el símbolo de su partido. El acuerdo implicó una cesión histórica, ya que el Gobernador se quedó sin delegados propios en el Senado de la Nación: ambos son de LLA.

Con este antecedente ¿qué se puede esperar para el armado de 2027? ¿Cómo se conformará la lista de diputados provinciales? ¿De qué partido serán los candidatos a senadores de ALLA? ¿Se respetará el poder territorial de los intendentes de JxER?

 

Contener y ordenar

La UCR -como principal partido de JxER- no pretende mantener las PASO para disputar la gobernación, como en 2023. No tiene con quién. Cualquier disputa por la gobernación ocurrirá cuando Frigerio ya no pueda reelegir.

Los radicales quieren que haya PASO para cuidar su poder territorial. Para evitar que el armado de listas por acuerdo de cúpulas los vuelva a relegar.

En la interna radical predomina la dirigencia que acompaña a Frigerio. Ese sector, que controla el partido, quiere mantener las primarias como una herramienta necesaria para cumplir una doble función: contener el frente interno de Juntos por Entre Ríos y ordenar la alianza con La Libertad Avanza.

Mientras las posibilidades de reelección de Milei sigan intactas, la reedición de un frente de JxER con LLA se verá como inevitable para no volver a un escenario electoral de tercios como el de 2023, cuando Frigerio llegó a la gobernación con lo justo, porque LLA le restó votos por derecha.

La unificación de una propuesta electoral no peronista se seguirá presentando como una necesidad mientras se mantenga el voto compartido entre Frigerio y Milei. Si la reedición de la Alianza La Libertad Avanza (ALLA) es inevitable, los radicales pretenden una lógica de armado distinta a la de 2025.

 

Otra elección

Todo hace suponer que el criterio Karina dominará el armado para 2027. El sostenimiento de un funcionario tan desprestigiado como Manuel Adorni -y que ha causado tanto daño entre los votantes propios- sólo se explica en que responde a la hermana presidencial. Y sin Karina no hay gobierno libertario, porque se derrumba el propio Presidente.

Es de esperar, entonces, que para 2027 LLA intente algo parecido a lo de 2025. En Entre Ríos, lo primero será evaluar si es posible gobernar la provincia con un candidato propio. Y, si no queda más remedio que volver a aliarse con Frigerio para su reelección (por el riesgo de un escenario de tercios; porque no consiguen fabricar un candidato competitivo), la apuesta será dominar el armado electoral en la reedición de ALLA.

A ese propósito contribuiría la suspensión de las PASO. Como en 2025, se armarían las listas en acuerdo de cúpulas. También se podría hacer con PASO, pero requeriría del armado de una lista “oficial” en cada una de las múltiples disputas territoriales que resolverían las primarias. Y, claro, el riesgo de que ese armado no supere el test de la interna a padrón abierto.

Es que ya no se trata de disponer una lista de tres senadores y cinco diputados, sino de seleccionar los nombres para 34 diputados provinciales, 17 senadores, 84 intendentes, cientos de concejales.

¿Cuántos de esos cargos pretendería Karina? ¿Cuántos senadores y diputados provinciales? ¿Cómo se compondrían los bloques oficialistas en la Legislatura de un eventual segundo gobierno de Frigerio? ¿Es posible inventar candidatos a intendente sin desarrollo territorial?

Algunos creen que la cúpula libertaria entenderá que no puede repetir la fórmula de armado de 2025, cuando se plebiscitaba a Milei, eligiendo senadores y diputados para apoyarlo o resistirlo en el Congreso.

El año que viene la naturaleza de la elección será muy distinta, con muchísimo más peso territorial. Y por primera vez no habrá una boleta sábana que arrastre de arriba hacia abajo. Aún si las elecciones provinciales se realizaran en conjunto con las nacionales, con la boleta única de papel las peleas por las intendencias se librarán -más que nunca- entre los candidatos a la intendencia, sin el arrastre del candidato a presidente o a gobernador.

 

¿Puede reelegir?

Las encuestas de estos días muestran un desencanto de una parte del electorado de Milei, motivado en la profundización de los problemas económicos que tornan más irritables los privilegios del poder ventilados -con alto nivel de popularidad- por el caso Adorni y los créditos hipotecarios obtenidos por funcionarios de Economía.

Pero Milei viene de ganar una elección a la que llegó acusado de estafador (caso Libra), con su hermana popularizada como coimera (causa Andis) y promoviendo como candidato más importante de su espacio a un socio de narcos (Espert) a quien no pudo siquiera quitar de la boleta por haberlo bajado demasiado tarde. Además venía de una derrota, inesperada en su magnitud, en el principal distrito electoral del país (provincia de Buenos Aires) donde con más fuerza se percibe la pérdida de empleo y el deterioro salarial registrado desde la llegada de Milei al poder.

Con todo ese viento en contra, Milei gana con comodidad las elecciones legislativas de 2025. Esto es, la instancia en la que históricamente el electorado se permite ser más crítico de los oficialismos, porque no se ponen en juego cargos ejecutivos.

Fue un voto -de confianza o de miedo- que le dio una segunda oportunidad a Milei. La actual caída en las encuestas revela el desencanto o el cansancio de muchos de esos votantes y abre interrogantes sobre la sustentabilidad política de un programa de ajuste que no logra contener la inflación y sólo derrumba la recaudación y genera más desempleo.

Fuente: Página Política
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