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elecciones

La efectiva decisión de suspender las PASO

Decidida por Milei con el argumento del ahorro, la suspensión de las PASO operó en los hechos como una poderosa herramienta para fortalecer al oficialismo. Por un lado, le otorga al Presidente más poder para armar a su antojo la oferta electoral en un frente oficialista y, por el otro, profundiza la desarticulación del armado opositor. En Entre Ríos, agudizó como nunca la crisis del peronismo.
Pablo Bizai
Por: Pablo Bizai
pablobizai@gmail.com

Los hechos están demostrando que la suspensión de las PASO provoca un gran perjuicio a la vida interna de los partidos políticos, en tanto limita o directamente impide la participación de las bases en la definición de la oferta electoral.

De regreso a la oposición tras 20 años consecutivos en el gobierno provincial, el PJ es el que más sufre en Entre Ríos la ausencia de las PASO. El sistema de primarias financiado por el Estado le hubiera venido muy bien, en esta etapa de debate horizontal, para la definición de nuevos liderazgos a través de las urnas.

Sin ese andamiaje electoral estatal, la alternativa de una interna de voto no obligatorio -como la que el PJ planeaba- hacía que la competencia interna tendiera a convertirse en un trámite dominado por las estructuras más poderosas, con poco margen para una renovación.

Pero el PJ entrerriano ni siquiera pudo concretar una interna de baja calidad como la que se proyectaba y que, supuestamente, no insumía un costo económico tan grande. No hay que perder de vista un punto: aún si las listas opositoras no hubiesen caído por falta de avales, todavía la elección interna estaba en dudas, porque no se ponían de acuerdo sobre la manera de financiarla.

El PJ no hubiera llegado a esta situación si no se suspendían las PASO. Pero la principal responsable del fracaso de la interna peronista es la propia dirigencia peronista, oficialista y opositora. Era un problema que se podía prever, porque se veía venir de lejos. De hecho, Página Política dio cuenta de ello en el mes de febrero en la siguiente nota:

 

Desarticulados

El peronismo provincial nunca necesitó tanto de las PASO como ahora. No las precisó en los 20 años de gobierno continuado. Y tampoco antes (si hubieran existido), en los tiempos en los que contaban con un “líder indiscutido” como Jorge Busti. Tan indiscutido, que llegó a gobernar la provincia tres veces sin la ayuda de la cláusula de reelección.

Tras su caída en las elecciones de 2023, los peronistas entrerrianos atraviesan una crisis de liderazgo a la que no están habituados, luego de la conducción que desde 2003 ejercieron consecutivamente los gobernadores Busti, Sergio Urribarri y Gustavo Bordet. Podían gustar más o menos. Pero estaba claro que eran los que mandaban. Hoy nadie manda en el PJ, más allá de los pesos específicos lógicos de quienes tienen responsabilidades de gobierno en las intendencias, no hay un liderazgo provincial claro. Y sólo una interna podía definir cuánto en verdad tiene cada uno en esta etapa opositora.

Sin esa oportunidad de una renovación democrática, que legitime nuevos liderazgos con efectiva capacidad de cohesionar, el peronismo marcha a las elecciones otra vez con una lista armada desde los sectores internos más poderosos, como cuando era gobierno. Pero como ahora no lo es, el acatamiento de esa imposición es menor. Por el contrario, las grietas internas se profundizan hasta el punto de representar, en algunos casos, riesgos de fractura.

En Entre Ríos el peronismo se dio el lujo de romperse en épocas de abundancia, como en 2007 y 2011 cuando, aún dividido, retuvo la gobernación. Con el plus de que luego los diputados electos por la Lista 100 en 2007 y por el bustismo en 2011  se terminaron sumando al bloque oficialista y le dieron una amplísima mayoría al gobernador Urribarri.

Pero esta es una época de escasez. Eso dicen las encuestas. Y aunque no se llegue a concretar una división electoral como la de 2007 y 2011, el clima que dejó la caída de la interna hace presumir que, como mínimo, importantes franjas del peronismo no se esforzarán por juntar votos para esta elección.

El que gana conduce y el que pierde acompaña. Pero acá nadie ganó y nadie perdió porque no hubo interna.

En lo que va de este siglo, el peronismo entrerriano está más débil que nunca. A las divisiones que profundiza la caída de la interna se debe sumar la incorporación de varios dirigentes peronistas al gobierno de Frigerio, bajo el operativo de reclutamiento que desde el inicio de la gestión lleva adelante con éxito el ministro de Gobierno Manuel Troncoso.

La responsabilidad primera de este debilitamiento del peronismo es de la propia dirigencia peronista. Troncoso no es un encantador de serpientes; toda la dirigencia sabía desde principios de año que había que buscar una alternativa ante la suspensión de las PASO; entre las listas opositoras hay referentes con mucha experiencia que no pueden argumentar que fueron engañados por el oficialismo partidario.

Es preocupante para el ejercicio de la democracia en Entre Ríos que su partido más importante no sea capaz de hacer una interna.

En estos días de empleados públicos protestando en los pasillos de la Casa de Gobierno por la motosierra versión entrerriana, algunos peronistas se acordaron del segundo gobierno de Sergio Montiel. Salvando las enormes distancias –empezando por la profundidad de la crisis de principios de siglo y por el trayecto peronista que reconoce la historia política de Frigerio– hay una diferencia importante en la oposición: el peronismo está muy lejos de contar con un “líder indiscutido” que lo devuelva al poder, como en 2003.

 

Fuente: Página Política
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