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Cambiemos

El incierto futuro de Frigerio

Carrió adelantó un debate interno en Cambiemos, contenido por el tiempo electoral. Sus duras críticas a Frigerio expresan el pensamiento de un núcleo duro de la coalición que siempre miró con recelo los lazos del ministro con el peronismo. Qué puede pasar en Entre Ríos.
Pablo Bizai
Por: Pablo Bizai
pablobizai@gmail.com

Las duras críticas de Elisa Carrió a Rogelio Frigerio –acusándolo de haber jugado para el peronismo- no son una locura más de la líder de la Coalición Cívica. Expresan lo que del Ministro del Interior piensa un ala del gobierno nacional y también del PRO y de la UCR en todo el país.

En la cúspide de Cambiemos, los dichos de Carrió hacen foco en viejos planteos internos de Marcos Peña. Pero también de María Eugenia Vidal, que no le dio nada a Frigerio en la provincia de Buenos Aires, porque lo ve como aliado a Emilio Monzó, un enemigo explícito de la gobernadora.

En ese sector ven a Frigerio como un dirigente que en estos años jugó su propio juego. Que “con la plata de Macri” tejió acuerdos con las provincias que siempre le terminaron dando ventaja a los oficialismos locales, en su mayoría en manos del peronismo. Dicen que en esos acuerdos, Frigerio siempre buscó quedar bien parado y que por eso no está preocupado por ganar o perder las elecciones.

Parecería que Carrió tampoco está muy preocupada por las elecciones. De lo contrario hubiera reprimido una crítica interna que no hace más que debilitar a Cambiemos en plena campaña electoral. De algún modo, adelanta un debate que sólo puede darse tras una derrota electoral. Es, en suma, una forma de asumir por anticipado esa derrota.

Las duras críticas a Frigerio, que Carrió libera con irresponsabilidad electoral, tocan de cerca al futuro de Cambiemos en Entre Ríos, el territorio político del ministro.
frigerio peronista (1).jpg
En la provincia, reavivan viejas sospechas de un acuerdo con el peronismo, la identidad con la que Frigerio comenzó a explorar Entre Ríos en 2007, donde obtuvo su primer éxito electoral –ya como PRO- en 2013, cuando llevó a Alfredo de Ángeli al Senado, en alianza nada menos que con Jorge Busti, el padre del peronismo contemporáneo en la provincia.

La ayuda financiera a la provincia; la obra pública bajada de Nación (que benefició muchas veces a intendentes del PJ y tomó por sorpresa a la dirigencia provincial de Cambiemos); el repentino rechazo a la reforma política y el posterior acuerdo para el desdoblamiento electoral; la decisión de no habilitar la interna para gobernador y el negado al pegado de boletas en la interna. Todo se puede leer con el lente de la desconfianza.

Nueva etapa

¿Qué impacto puede tener este cuestionamiento a Frigerio en Entre Ríos, una vez que la casi segura derrota electoral habilite ese debate?

Dependerá de la decisión que tome el propio Frigerio sobre su futuro político. En Cambiemos no descartan ninguna variante. En algún momento comentó a sus más allegados que estaba cansado y que se tomaría un tiempo fuera de la política.

Otros le dan aire a la versión de que seguiría con su proyecto para presidir el Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo en 2020. Claro que ya no sería impulsado por Mauricio Macri, sino por Alberto Fernández.

¿Sería un paso hacia una definitiva integración al peronismo? Se ha mencionado esa posibilidad a raíz de los buenos vínculos que mantiene con Monzó y con Florencio Randazzo, uno de los cabos sueltos del peronismo que Alberto terminó de atar la semana anterior.

La tercera variante es la continuidad en Cambiemos. Los que defienden esta alternativa ponen el acento en que Frigerio sembró futuro dentro de la coalición al poner su gente en las listas de candidatos provinciales y nacionales. Claro que eso no podría significar mucho: es probable que los beneficiados por el dedo del jefe lo acompañen sin muchos reparos en su eventual mutación política.
varisco de angeli macri frigerio.jpg
Desde el inicio mismo de Cambiemos Frigerio fue el mandamás en Entre Ríos. En 2015 hizo y deshizo en el armado electoral. Su poder era entonces delegado por Macri, el único candidato competitivo de la flamante coalición. Su dominio sobre la UCR se potenció cuando empuñó la birome del Ministerio del Interior y administró ya su poder propio.

Todas las decisiones pasaron por él. Y muchas veces no consideró necesario consultar a la dirigencia provincial, que se enteraba por los medios de comunicación de alguna bajada política de Nación a la provincia, en la que el protagonista local de la foto terminaba siendo un peronista.

Desde diciembre, todo será distinto. Si Frigerio sigue en Cambiemos, la relación se volverá necesariamente más horizontal con el conjunto de la dirigencia provincial.

Núcleo duro

¿Qué daño le hace Carrió a la conducción política de Frigerio en Entre Ríos? Sus críticas caen en tierra fértil dentro del núcleo duro del electorado provincial de Cambiemos que nunca votará al peronismo y que ya venía mirando con suspicacia el modo en el que ganó las elecciones Bordet; o el acompañamiento de legisladores de Cambiemos a iniciativas de Bordet en la Legislatura; o que cuestionaba la asistencia financiera y determinadas obras que beneficiaron al Gobernador y/o a algún intendente peronista.
carrio atilio.jpg
Carrió no tiene desarrollo político en Entre Ríos. Pero puede tener predicamento en esta porción del electorado de Cambiemos que rechaza cualquier contacto con el peronismo.

Sin embargo, dirigentes que nunca se asociarían al peronismo en Entre Ríos no advierten que Frigerio se haya desentendido de la suerte electoral de Cambiemos en la provincia. A contrario, valoran su militancia en esta campaña por lo que ellos mismos ven como una causa perdida.

Algunos radicales y macristas que han sido críticos del modo de conducción de Frigerio, cuestionan en esta instancia a Carrió.

El problema –afirman- no es Frigerio, sino un gobierno débil que se vio obligado a negociar poder con los gobernadores peronistas. Tan débil que ni siquiera pudo callar a Carrió y sus críticas destructivas.

Aunque asumen que hubo en muchos casos una “relación demasiado estrecha con el peronismo”, afirman que Frigerio ha jugado en definitiva un rol pedido por Macri: buscar consenso de los gobernadores a medidas muchas veces impopulares. Y que su poder era limitado. Sostienen, por ejemplo, que el desdoblamiento electoral fue acordado directamente entre Macri y Bordet.

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