Lo Último

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Sintonía fina

El radicalismo y su dubitativo rol

La UCR continúa en una anacrónica etapa de internas sectoriales y territoriales tras la derrota de octubre. En los últimos dos meses enviaron mensajes contradictorios respecto a su rol de oposición. Estuvieron afuera de lo

Pasan algunas cosas, pero el gobierno de Sergio Urribarri no tiene por qué alterarse. En estos dos meses de gestión el gobernador pudo barrenar sin sobresaltos en las situaciones engorrosas que se le presentaron. Fue por su astucia, pero también por la falta de reflejos de la oposición.

El control del escenario político del mandatario es absoluto. Esa foto se construye con el control de Urribarri en el peronismo y una raquítica oposición.

El radicalismo, que se impuso como segunda fuerza por escasos centésimos delante del bustismo, no ha podido dar cuenta de que es el mayor accionista de la oposición. No ha dejado enseñanza la desastrosa campaña electoral en la que se conocieron más las diferencias que un proyecto político.

Un cargo por la minoría en la Comisión Administradora para el Fondo Especial de Salto Grande (Cafesg) fue tomado en la UCR como un botín de guerra. ¿Quién ocuparía ese lugar? Todas las diferencias y miserias de la política fueron divulgadas desde las propias filas del radicalismo. De uno y otro sector.

El oficialismo impuso a Hernán Burna ante la crítica de los diputados que eligieron finalmente a Juan Carlos Luchessi. Durante el proceso, los boinas blancas se dijeron las peores cosas y llenaron las páginas de diarios y sitios con peleas territoriales estériles que en la mayoría de la sociedad se desconoce y no genera ningún interés. En definitiva, lo que quedó de ese conventillo fue la imagen de un partido desmembrado.

Cuando todo eso ocurría, los entrerrianos veían en la televisión pública de Buenos Aires y otros tantos medios locales que una nena de 11 años abusada y embarazada quedaba en manos de un juez de Familia que decidía poner en observación el cumplimiento o no del Código Penal. Hasta este último fin de semana llegaron los perdigones del caso en Página/12. El radicalismo no tuvo nada para decir, ni en favor ni en contra de la actuación de, al menos, dos poderes del Estado: el Ejecutivo y el Judicial. En el oficialismo, para su suerte, todo fue alivio. No había nadie a quién responderle ni defender. Un comunicado del socialismo – entendieron en el gobierno – no justificaba amplificar el tema.

Vale subrayar la valentía del referente del Movimiento Evita, Juan José Albornoz, que no dudó en manifestar su enojo con la forma en que se resolvió el asunto desde el Estado. Hubiese sido enriquecedor escuchar la opinión, por ejemplo, de la Secretaría de Derechos Humanos o la Dirección Provincial de la Mujer.

Con anterioridad a este caso, la Legislatura votó una ley que contemplaba la creación de una sociedad anónima del Estado que podía concesionar terrenos ubicados en el Delta entrerriano con fines productivos. Hubo críticas aisladas hasta que el Frente Amplio Progresista, en voz de Emma Bargagna, solicitó al fiscal de Estado, Julio Rodríguez Signes, que la derogue por inconstitucional. En pocos días el tema llegó a los medios nacionales, un poco con el empuje de legisladores de Rosario.

El radicalismo divulgó documentos muy críticos. Sin embargo, los correligionarios que suelen tener fuertes cuestionamientos a la conducción partidaria de la UCR, esta vez callaron.

La semana pasada el centenario partido volvió a dar señales confusas. Luego de escuchar el discurso de Urribarri en el que pidió a la dirigencia ser austera y cuidar las cuentas públicas, el bloque de diputados (única representación parlamentaria) hizo la jugada de manual: emitir un documento con cuestionamientos. Para los legisladores, el mandatario acababa de anunciar la llegada de la crisis. En menos de 24 horas, los mismos que firmaron el comunicado se reunieron con el titular del Ejecutivo en Casa de Gobierno. A juzgar por lo divulgado por el Ministerio de Comunicación y Cultura, el encuentro fue prácticamente de amigos. “(Urribarri) deja al pueblo de Entre Ríos con la tranquilidad de seguir en cuestiones profundas y realmente de interés”, dijo sobre el discurso del día anterior el presidente del bloque, Agustín Federik. Cualquier programa de compaginación se haría un festín.

En niveles locales sucede algo similar. El bloque de concejales encabezado por Miguel Rettore se reunió con Blanca Osuna, a quien le dedicaron elogios por la apertura del diálogo. Se olvidaron de agradecer, quizás por descuido, que la iniciativa de la jefa comunal de eliminar los códigos de descuentos a los sindicatos había sido una propuesta de Sergio Montiel. Incluso en favor de la tarjeta Sidecreer, también creada por el caudillo muerto.

A los pocos días, la concejal radical Roxana Villagra recorrió unos barrios con el secretario de Desarrollo Social, Fernando Báez. Esta actividad, sumada a la anterior, provocó la ira de la seccional segunda que pidieron a sus representantes en el Concejo Deliberante no “travestirse en apóstoles del oficialismo”. Enseguida entró a la casilla de correo un comunicado de Villagra con reclamos y críticas a la gestión municipal. Otra vez el doble mensaje. Pero la polémica ya no por diferencias en el marco de la conducción partidaria a nivel provincial, sino una interna en una seccional de Paraná.

Sindicalistas del Suoyen, enrolados en la UCR, vociferan a quien quiera escucharlos sobre despidos que se estarían produciendo en el seno de la Comuna. En la Uader, docentes identificados con el centenario partido se ven desprotegidos en un proceso de normalización en el que está en juego el futuro de la universidad fundada en un gobierno radical. Durante el conflicto que terminó con la salida de Graciela Mingo no se escuchó una sola voz del radicalismo. Ya no se deben sentir parte.

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